Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 246

Chapter 774

Although the Japanese detachment visiting Britain received a warm welcome from Sir Anderson, the Governor of the Straits Settlements, when it docked in Singapore, the British officials in Singapore were somewhat lukewarm towards the Japanese navy and showed a hint of hostility towards the Kurama.

According to some naval officers, "The Kurama had exceeded the upper limit of British naval power in Asia. After the destruction of the Russian East Asia Fleet, the Japanese Navy was clearly no longer an aid to the Royal Navy's East Asia Fleet but a threat. The hostility of the British in the Straits Settlements towards us was a normal reaction."

However, Prince Yoshihito clearly did not see it that way. He believed that the reason why the British were hostile to the Japanese Navy was the disrespect shown by Japanese warships to British warships during the Bali incident. This made the British see the Japanese Navy as a new challenger, and the responsibility should lie with some audacious young naval officers.

In a private conversation, Prince Yoshihito complained to Togo Heihachiro and Shimamura Hayao: "The British are willing to hand over the blueprints for the dreadnoughts, saying that they are worried about the growing strength of the Japanese navy. This is obviously nonsense. Some young people are trying to put Japan at risk of becoming hostile to the British Empire in order to win personal honor."

Neither Togo nor Shimamura responded to Prince Yoshihito's complaints. Togo Heihachiro agreed that the Japanese Navy was no match for the British Royal Navy, but he did not think that Prince Yoshihito was right to believe that Britain had good intentions in strengthening the Japanese Navy.

Shimamura Hayao avoided addressing the prince's complaints. He agreed with Admiral Togo Heihachiro's view, but he did not think there was anything wrong with the Bali incident because, after the Russo-Japanese War, the Japanese Navy had encountered an invisible constraint created by Britain and France.

In fact, without the Bali incident, the Japanese Navy would have had no foothold in the South Pacific. The Bali incident was also a follow-up event to the division of spheres of influence between Japan and the United States over the Philippine Islands. In other words, if Japan had not previously acquired Mindanao and its affiliated islands, it would have been unlikely that the Japanese Navy would have been able to intervene in the Bali affairs.

With the United States having fully occupied the Philippine Islands, the development of the Japanese Navy was effectively blocked by the United States and Germany. Faced with the confrontation in Europe, the Japanese Navy could only choose Germany as its opponent. After all, as long as the United States did not take a stand on the situation in Europe, Britain and France would not allow Japan to clash with the United States.

However, while Japan could acquire Germany's colonies in the Pacific, it wouldn't break the cage that Britain, France, and the United States had set for itself. After all, the islands in the Pacific held by Germany didn't have much economic value. These islands might have military value for the Asian continent, but for Japan, which wanted to expand outwards, their value was far less than that of the Hawaiian Islands, Australia, and the South Pacific.

Shimamura Hayao felt that although the prince came from the navy, his strategic vision was really poor. If the Japanese navy was afraid of conflict with Britain, then it would not have made a move to seize Mindanao in the first place. After the navy made up its mind to take over Mindanao from the United States, the risk of conflict between Japan and the United States had already begun to decrease, while the risk of conflict between Japan and Britain had increased.

Shimamura Hayao was, after all, a naval staff officer. While he might have been a step behind Hayashi Shin-yi and Akiyama Shin-ichi in strategic planning, he was not much worse than Sato Tetsutaro. Moreover, he had a close relationship with Akiyama Shin-ichi, so under Akiyama's guidance, he understood Hayashi Shin-yi's southward strategic plan early on. This was also the reason why Hayashi Shin-yi was able to gain the support of these middle forces in the navy.

The power struggle between the bureaucratic faction led by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and other factions was of little concern to the navy's middle forces. After all, the other factions couldn't offer any clear vision for the navy's future. A careful comparison revealed that Yamamoto's proposed shipbuilding plan was at least beneficial to the navy's future. Meanwhile, the southward-bound strategy faction, led by Hayashi Nobuyoshi, far surpassed the Yamamoto faction.

The southward expansion strategy was a long-term goal of the navy. After all, the navy's initial goal was to defeat the surrounding naval forces, and the next step was to expand outward. This expansion could be towards the Pacific Ocean or the southern seas. Obviously, the abundant tropical resources and relatively dense population of the southern seas were more suitable for Japan's development. However, the southward expansion strategy could never find a feasible specific route.

Lin Xinyi solved this problem, especially after his strategy forced the Americans to cede Mindanao, breaking the American-German prison that Britain had created for the Japanese navy, making the southward route clear.

The idea of ​​achieving the navy's southward expansion strategy without clashing with the British Royal Navy is childlike and naive. Shimamura Hayao naturally couldn't sympathize with Prince Yoshihito's complaints. Instead, Prince Yoshihito's complaints convinced Shimamura that Hayashi Nobuyoshi's advocacy for the withdrawal of imperial family members from frontline military posts was correct; these members were simply too easily swayed by personal feelings in their judgment.

In stark contrast to Prince Yoshihito's dissatisfaction with Hayashi Nobuyoshi, Princess Shuko was quite fond of Captain Hayashi Nobuyoshi, believing that he was more gentlemanly than other naval officers. She thought that the other naval officers were merely deliberately imitating the style of the Royal Navy officers, but ultimately had not given up Japan's male chauvinism.

Princess Shuko was the granddaughter of Iwakura Tomomi. During her childhood, the Rokumeikan diplomacy was flourishing, leading to close contact with European diplomats in Japan. This fostered a more Westernized lifestyle for the princess, unlike typical Japanese women who were subservient to men. Only Hayashi Nobuyoshi consistently treated her with respect in public, regarding her as an equal to the prince, while other officers almost exclusively focused on the prince's opinions. Naturally, the respected princess spoke well of Hayashi Nobuyoshi.

Prince Yiren discovered that his criticisms of Hayashi Shin-yi received neither the approval of his naval colleagues nor the support of his wife. As for complaining to an army general, he wasn't so foolish, as he knew he was now a member of the navy. In the end, the prince could only adopt a cold, indifferent attitude towards Hayashi Shin-yi, too lazy to comment on this young naval officer who made him feel uncomfortable.

Although Lin Xinyi was the captain of the Kurama, he did not actually command the ship. The naval high command also knew that this rising star in the navy had not done much training on a ship. The Kurama was an important asset of the navy and could not be used to supplement Lin Xinyi's training experience. Therefore, the ship was commanded by another experienced naval officer. Lin Xinyi only held the title of captain and spent most of his time socializing with the fleet officers.

Although the voyage was tedious, the scenery along the way was indeed beautiful, and sailing on a merchant ship was a completely different experience from sailing on a warship. Lin Xinyi then understood why there were so many legends of European pirate captains during the Age of Exploration. On a ship, the captain was essentially the king, and this feeling of leading a group greatly compensated for the monotonous and risky life at sea.

In June, the fleet arrived at Portsmouth Naval Base. Before the arrival of the Japanese warships, many warships from various European countries had already arrived. The number of warships on the waters off Portsmouth even exceeded the number of fishing boats in Tokyo Bay. The profound historical heritage of the British Royal Navy was also evident at this moment, with a British warship accompanying each foreign warship into port.

When the Japanese warships arrived, more than 40 warships from various countries had already arrived, while the British Royal Navy had only dispatched a small number of ships. Looking at the magnificent sight of warships galore on the sea, Shimamura Hayao couldn't help but sigh and say to Lin Xinyi standing beside him, "After seeing this, do you still think the British Royal Navy is someone we can challenge?"

Lin Xinyi glanced at the sky and replied in a relaxed tone, "The stars are also very bright at night, but after the sun comes out, who can still see the bright starlight?"

Shimamura Hayashi turned to look at Hayashi Shin-yi in surprise before asking, "Then who can become the sun that obscures the stars?"

After a moment's thought, Lin Xinyi said, "The question should be: from whom does the starlight of the stars come? Is it from the rulers of the British Empire, or from the colonial peoples oppressed under British rule? If the British rulers believe that the honor belongs to them, then what is the essential difference between them and Mexican President Porfirio Díaz?"

Shimamura Hayao knew what Lin Xin meant by mentioning Díaz at this time. As the Mexican president who had been re-elected six times, Díaz wanted to be re-elected for a seventh time last year, so he persecuted social reformists who were trying to participate in the presidential election, which triggered the Mexican people's uprising and civil war.

The Mexican Revolutionary Army captured the capital, Juárez, at the beginning of the year, and Díaz resigned and fled abroad in May. The seemingly powerful Mexican military dictatorship was overthrown, surprising the world. Before June of last year, Díaz's rule appeared rock-solid. However, the popular uprising shook the support of local warlords for his regime, and the ensuing civil war quickly destroyed his rule. This change was so rapid that other countries were caught off guard; the Mexican government had already collapsed.

Why did the Mexican Revolution shock other countries? Because before the revolution, Mexico did not seem like a society in need of a revolution. Compared with other countries in the Americas, Mexico's economy and politics were actually above average. During his previous terms, Díaz promoted the construction of railways in Mexico, and the mining and oil industries also developed significantly. Mexico's per capita income was on the rise, and it seemed to be further away from revolution than Brazil and Chile.

From the perspective of outside observers, what the Mexican government needs is democratic social reform, to curb the predatory operations of foreign capital and large landowners, and to increase the income of workers and farmers. After all, the difference between Mexico and its neighbor, the United States, lies in the fact that the Díaz government was a military dictatorship, while the United States is a capitalist system of governance. The dissatisfaction of the American working class with American capitalists is not much less than that of Mexican workers with the Díaz regime.

The only difference is that the United States has a developed farm economy that provides the American working class with a large amount of cheap food, while Mexico's large plantation economy and mining economy are hardly complementary. They export cash crops such as cotton to Europe and then import European industrial goods. In addition, tariffs protect Mexican agriculture, causing food prices in Mexico to rise continuously.

Therefore, outside observers believe that if the Mexican government lowers tariffs, allowing the Mexican working class to access cheaper food, social tensions could be greatly alleviated. As for the conflict between Mexican farmers and large landowners, a democratic land reform is needed to resolve it, but the key lies in the support of the working class. After all, the outcome of the American Civil War has proven that the working class, which controls industrial power, has the advantage in dealing with peasant resistance.

However, Díaz's compromise approach—avoiding both offending large landowners and foreign capital—made it difficult for Mexico to replicate the American capitalist system, thus uniting the working class and peasantry. Once local warlords supported by Mexican landowners joined the revolution, Díaz's regime was immediately destroyed.

However, the involvement of large landowners changed the nature of the Mexican Revolution. What was originally a bourgeois democratic revolution turned into a national movement, shifting the focus of the revolution from foreign capital to foreign immigrants. The revolution began to become a defense of the landowning system dominated by large landowners.

Upon arriving in Egypt, Lin Xinyi sent a telegram to Tokyo regarding the xenophobic trend emerging in the Mexican Revolution. He argued that the Mexican Revolution should be intervened in the name of the alliance, demanding that both sides in the Mexican conflict refrain from persecuting foreign nationals and provide humanitarian aid to Mexico.

Shimamura Hayashi disagreed with Hayashi Nobuyoshi's proposal, arguing that it would be overstepping Japan's bounds, given that Mexico was within the sphere of influence contested by the United States and France. While Japan could intervene in the Mexican Revolution under the guise of an alliance, it would inevitably raise suspicions with the United States and France. It was difficult to deny the American influence behind the revolution, especially since the leaders of the Mexican Revolution were based in the United States and had launched an anti-Díaz regime movement.

However, Lin Hsin-yi disagrees. He believes that while the Mexican Revolution may indeed have been influenced by the conflict between the United States and France, it does not mean that the United States and France can completely control the Mexican civil war. After all, the situation in Europe does not allow France to provide too many resources to Mexico, which is a major reason for the rapid collapse of the Díaz regime.

Similarly, while American influence in Mexico is on the rise, the long-standing animosity between the two countries means that any US intervention in the Mexican civil war would come at a tremendous political cost, as Mexicans fundamentally distrust the US government. However, ensuring Mexico's independence is essential for protecting the neutrality of Central America.

After the Panama Canal is completed, the United States will have stronger control over Central America. If Japan cannot establish relations with the countries of the Americas at this time, it will be unable to make any voice in American affairs once the Panama Canal is completed, because the political and economic power of the United States can radiate to the Pacific coast through the Panama Canal.

Just as the Americans went to great lengths to establish a foothold in the Philippines, if Japan could not establish a foothold in the Americas, it would completely lose the opportunity to establish a foothold there once the Panama Canal opened and the United States began to vie for control of the Pacific.

Shimamura Hayashi was not entirely convinced by Hayashi Nobuyoshi, but when the alliance expressed concerns that the Mexican Revolution posed a threat to the lives and property of foreign nationals, the Americans, who had previously been cautious on the issue, suddenly increased their intervention. The United States could allow Japan to protect Japanese nationals in Mexico under a separate name, since the number of these Japanese nationals was not large.

However, when Japan attempted to protect all foreign nationals in the name of the Asian Alliance, this actually began to threaten the United States' dominance in the Americas. According to the Monroe Doctrine, the United States considered the Americas its backyard. Although the Monroe Doctrine was not recognized by Britain, France, and Germany, the United States remained relatively cautious in its dealings with the Americas after its implementation, not exhibiting the aggressive exclusion of other countries' commercial interests as the Doctrine itself suggested. However, the United States could not tolerate Asian countries like Japan joining the competition for interests in the Americas.

The United States and Japan not only have a dispute over the Hawaiian Islands, but the issue of Japanese immigrants in California is also receiving increasing attention from the US. California's vigilance towards Japanese immigrants has begun to replace its previous vigilance towards Chinese immigrants. The Mexican people's prejudice against foreigners is actually consistent with the US policy of prejudice against Asian immigrants. Moreover, after the gathering of European and American warships in the Gulf of Mexico, the Mexican Revolutionary Army shifted its focus of prejudice from whites to people of color, primarily immigrants from Asia.

If Japan successfully carries out a humanitarian intervention in Mexico under the guise of the Asian Alliance, then the US government will have to worry whether Japan will take similar actions in other countries in the Americas under the same pretext and protest against immigration policies in California and the Hawaiian Islands. This escalating diplomatic approach is a common tactic of the United States; Texas, Cuba, and Hawaii all became US territories in this way.

The US government therefore proactively warned the Mexican Revolutionary Army, protected all foreign nationals, and rejected the Asian Alliance's proposal to establish humanitarian camps in Mexico. Shimamura pondered, was the British Empire as vulnerable as the Díaz regime?

End of this chapter

Chapter 775

June 23, 1911 was a cloudy day, but the streets of London were packed with spectators waiting for the royal procession to pass by. They stood on the streets for hours just to catch a glimpse of the royal procession. This generation of Britons was lucky, as they witnessed two coronations in just ten years.

However, in Lin Xinyi's view, this generation of British people was also tragic, because they would soon fall from the peak of the Victorian Empire and become an old Britain in its twilight years. The world war that would break out a few years later would wipe out the British Empire's century-long accumulation, so much so that when World War II broke out, the British could only sell themselves to the United States in order to escape from the shadow of the Germans and the Soviets.

Japanese naval commanders, represented by Shimamura Hayao, only saw the glory of the British Empire over the past century, without truly realizing that this global empire was built on lava. When the volcano erupted, the British Empire would become a Pompeii, something to be remembered only.

Of course, to the British upper class waiting at Westminster Abbey, the glory of the British Empire could continue. Just look at the £6 crown made by the British Indian government for the King's coronation, and who would believe that the British Empire was failing? As long as Indians could still shed blood and tears for the empire, the honor of the British Empire would continue to shroud the world.

Prince Yoshihito, as the representative of the Japanese Imperial Family, received a solemn reception at the coronation ceremony. This time, he was no longer placed alongside representatives of the British Empire's colonies, but rather among the representatives of major European powers. This greatly flattered Prince Yoshihito, who felt that Japan's status in the world had finally been recognized.

Japanese Ambassador to Britain, Kato Takaaki, was a staunch supporter of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. He believed that while the situation in Europe might lead to war between Britain and Germany, Britain would ultimately prevail. He was also deeply confident in the strength of the Royal Navy. Therefore, he reached a consensus with Prince Yoshihito that the Japanese Navy's provocation of British warships during the Bali incident was irrational. Fortunately, the British did not pursue the matter, thus preventing a breakdown in the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.

At the dinner on the evening of the 23rd, Kato brought Churchill, who was known as the ambassador of Anglo-Japanese friendship, to visit the Japanese delegation. Ambassador Kato actually said to everyone: "During the Bali incident, the reckless actions of our navy caused British public opinion to have a lot of criticism of our country. It was thanks to Lord Churchill's mediation that Anglo-Japanese relations were maintained."

Prince Yoshihito expressed his gratitude to Lord Churchill, but Ambassador Kato's words greatly displeased the naval officers. When introducing the members of the Japanese delegation to Churchill, Churchill was also surprised by Hayashi Nobuyoshi's youth. He couldn't help but laugh and say, "I only decided to enter politics at your age, but you have already become the captain of a cruiser. The Japanese Navy certainly has a great fondness for young people."

Lin Xinyi replied casually, "The Royal Navy is indeed full of glorious heritage, which our navy can never match."

Ambassador Kato saw nothing wrong with it, but Lord Churchill felt that the young Japanese naval officer seemed to be mocking the Royal Navy for having nothing left but a glorious past. While he advocated for the reduction of the British Empire's overseas forces and prioritizing domestic and European stability, he did not want the Japanese navy to believe that the Royal Navy was no longer viable.

Churchill then said, "The Royal Navy not only has a glorious history, but it will continue to create a glorious future."

Lin Xinyi replied, "The glorious history of the Royal Navy lies in resisting the invasions of weak countries by the Napoleonic Empire and Tsarist Russia. However, in the Bali incident, the Royal Navy's indifference to the atrocities committed by Dutch soldiers against Bali residents and foreign friends is truly disappointing. Glory lies in upholding justice, not in condoning crime."

Kato Takaaki was extremely dissatisfied with Hayashi Shin's words, believing that the naval officer was creating obstacles to Anglo-Japanese relations. However, Churchill became more relaxed and said, "You remind me of a Chinese man with the same surname as you. It seems that the rise of Japan and China is not accidental. At least you have learned the essence of civilization from Europe."

Churchill thus concluded his conversation with Hayashi Shin-yi. Although Kato Takaaki did not say anything during the banquet, he still protested to Togo Heihachiro after the banquet, believing that the navy should properly educate its young officers and not create diplomatic trouble.

Togo didn't feel he had any power to deal with Lin Xinyi. Nominally, Lin Xinyi was now his subordinate, but he had no control over Lin Xinyi's personnel matters. In fact, Lin Xinyi should have been transferred out of the fleet after returning to China, so he wouldn't bother to teach Lin Xinyi a lesson.

Secondly, he was also dissatisfied with Ambassador Kato's overly pro-British views. The Bali incident was caused by the British infringing on Japan's interests in Southeast Asia, and the British did not dare to dwell on the matter. Kato's accusations against the navy naturally seemed somewhat disloyal.

Togo then calmly replied to Ambassador Kato: "Does London really consider Japan an ally rather than a vassal? Didn't your ambassador advocate revising the Anglo-Japanese Alliance so that it wouldn't cover the conflict between Japan and the United States? With such a revision, what rights would Japan have over Britain besides obligations? We are even worse off than Britain's overseas colonies, at least Britain's colonies are protected by the British Empire, while we can only protect the interests of the British Empire in Asia."

After being reprimanded by Togo Heihachiro, Kato Takaaki had no choice but to explain his actions: "As long as the Anglo-Japanese Alliance exists, Japan can become a member of the international order, and our country can obtain the right to engage in equal relations with European countries. This is crucial for our country's current huge debt. Given the tense situation in Europe, Anglo-American relations cannot be allowed to break down for the sake of Japan. London also has its reasons for revising the Anglo-Japanese Alliance."

Togo replied with dissatisfaction: "You are the Japanese ambassador, not the British ambassador. London's predicament is not something you need to explain. I don't think Colonel Hayashi Shin'ichi has done anything impolite in diplomatic settings. If the British are dissatisfied, let them speak for themselves. There is no need for your presence."

加藤和东乡话不投机，只能不快的离去。林信义则在第二日于外海参与了盛大的海军阅舰式。32艘战列舰、24艘重巡洋舰、67艘驱逐舰、12艘鱼雷艇和8艘潜艇在内的170艘军舰，排成了8行，迎接英王乔治五世的皇家游艇进行校阅。

This naval review was probably the largest exchange ceremony between the navies of various countries before World War I. Naval officers from different countries engaged in friendly exchanges and exchanged gifts. However, the Japanese still felt the alienation from the European navies, while the Chinese navy received more praise in comparison.

Some officers and men on the Kurama expressed their dissatisfaction with this phenomenon, believing that the Japanese Navy should be more respected than the Chinese Navy in terms of combat record, and that the current alienation of the European navies from the Japanese Navy was difficult for them to understand.

Lin Xinyi believed that these officers and soldiers had been brainwashed by militarism, thinking that Europeans truly believed in the survival of the fittest and social Darwinism, and that seeing Japan defeat Russia would lead them to accept Japan as the stronger power. In fact, the victory of the Japanese navy in defeating the main Russian fleet did attract the attention of European countries, and the distancing of the Japanese navy from the Chinese navy and the efforts to win over the Chinese navy were manifestations of this result.

Because the Japanese navy's strength was close to that of major European powers, it naturally received the treatment due to a major power's navy. A navy that is not viewed with hostility means that it does not pose a threat to Europe. The treatment of the Chinese navy comes from the Europeans' impression that it is harmless, while the Japanese navy has been regarded as a threat.

The Americans were able to ease tensions with Britain precisely because the Japanese navy was capable of threatening European navies. Therefore, the naval officers and men who adhered to militarism, believing that European hostility towards them was a sign of disrespect, were clearly making a judgment based on a lack of understanding of the situation.

Besides celebrating the coronation of the British King, another responsibility of the Japanese delegation was to make a final effort to maintain the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. During the Yamamoto cabinet's existence, there was a consistent opposition to revising the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, because from the navy's perspective, exempting Britain from obligations in a conflict with the United States would render the alliance worthless.

Following the Russo-Japanese War, Japanese diplomacy took three paths: maintaining the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, advocating for a Russo-Japanese Alliance to counter China, and advocating for an Asian alliance to replace the European colonial order. The last path was primarily maintained by the navy.

After the Yamamoto cabinet resigned, Saionji Kinmochi formed a cabinet. He tended to support Ambassador Kato's opinion that Japan's position in the international order should be established while maintaining the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. He adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude towards the Russo-Japanese Alliance and the Asian Alliance.

The reason why the Constitutional Seiyukai, led by Saionji, valued the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was that it was a choice made based on the judgment that the European war could potentially escalate into a global war. The Russo-Japanese Alliance and the Asian Alliance would actually put Japan in a dilemma of choosing between facing the war independently, while the Anglo-Japanese Alliance ensured that Japan could avoid such a choice. As long as Japan was tied to Britain, it would be fine. If Britain won, then Japan would also win. Everyone felt that Britain would not lose this time, so maintaining the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was naturally the best choice.

However, President Taft's advocacy of a diplomatic détente between Britain and the United States has put the Japanese government in a rather awkward position. If it insists on maintaining the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, it will have to accept the reality that Britain places its Anglo-American relations above its Anglo-Japanese relations. Japan will lose the obligations Britain owes to it in the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and will only have Japan's obligations to Britain left.

However, with the continued push from pro-British figures in Japan, the revision of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance has become unavoidable. This delegation is actually expressing the friendship between the Japanese Imperial Family and the British Royal Family, and hoping that Britain will not forget this after revising the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, so as to avoid Britain abandoning Japan.

Therefore, in mid-July, Japan and Britain signed a revised treaty of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. In return, the Japanese government received the normalization of its diplomatic relations and the legitimization of its Asian alliance. By relinquishing its arbitral power in the conflict between Japan and the United States, Britain effectively granted Japan the independent right to conduct diplomatic negotiations with the United States without having to coordinate with London.

Although this caused discontent within the navy, they could only acknowledge the reality that the navy was not yet able to truly influence Japanese politics. Of course, the Japanese naval officers visiting London also gained a deeper understanding of the atmosphere of war in Europe.

Immediately after George V's coronation, the German Emperor protested to the French for using force to change the status quo in Morocco. That spring, Moroccans launched an uprising against French colonial rule, and the French seized the opportunity to invade and occupy Morocco, attempting to gain direct control.

Although Germany and France had previously reached an agreement on the Moroccan issue, with Germany recognizing France's suzerainty over Morocco, the German Emperor still raised concerns about the safety of German nationals after France sent troops to Morocco. He also followed the example of the Japanese Navy during the Bali incident by sending a German warship to a Moroccan port to express his concern for the human rights of the Moroccan people.

Although the German approach was much more moderate than in the past—without making territorial demands on the French or attempting to occupy Moroccan ports—it still provoked an overreaction from Britain and France. The British and French directly accused the Germans of wanting to occupy Agadir and stated that the Moroccan issue was unrelated to Germany; if Germany attempted to intervene on the grounds of Moroccan human rights, it would mean war between the two sides.

The hardline stance of British and French public opinion has led German public opinion, which was originally opposed to intervening in the Moroccan issue, to also take a hardline position. After gaining access to the emerging market of China, German capital has been advocating for easing Franco-German relations. However, the pressure exerted by Britain and France on the Moroccan issue has made German capital realize that Britain and France have no intention of maintaining peace.

German capital began to shift from advocating peace to supporting war. Trade between Europe and the East hinged on the Suez Canal; without it, transportation costs between East and West would be at least 50% higher. Britain and France reached an agreement on the North African issue, which effectively blocked Germany's trade routes with Asia. In particular, Britain's attempt to control shipping lanes on the Atlantic further fueled anti-British sentiment among German capital.

Although the Kaiser made concessions at the last minute, with the Kaiser and the German military believing that Germany was not yet ready for war, German capital no longer hoped to maintain peace with Britain and France. Although German shipping industry capital believed that Germany had no chance of winning and still insisted that Germany should submit to the British-led world order, they did not oppose going to war with France, but only demanded to fight France alone after separating from Britain and France.

However, the Italians clearly did not give up this opportunity. When the Japanese left London, on September 28, the Italian government issued an ultimatum to Turkey, citing the infringement of its interests in Tripoli and Cyrenaica, demanding that Turkey agree to its entry into Tripoli. However, the Turkish government refused and declared war on Turkey the following day.

The chaos in Europe contrasted sharply with the harmonious atmosphere among the navies of various nations during the coronation of the British monarch. Shimamura Hayashi couldn't help but ask Hayashi Nobuyoshi, "Won't Italy's declaration of war against the Ottoman Empire trigger a major European war?"

After thinking for a while, Lin Xinyi said, "The Ottoman Empire actually belongs to the German-Austrian camp. Now there is infighting within the German-Austrian camp. Britain and France will definitely sit idly by. It is wrong for Germany and Austria to support either side. I guess in the end everyone can only watch them decide the winner and then persuade the loser to accept reality."

However, while this war will not trigger a major European war, it will certainly cause chaos in Europe. Italy's actions demonstrate that the old European order can no longer be maintained. With Britain, France, and Germany in a standoff, European countries can no longer rely on major powers to mediate disputes; everyone must rely on their own strength to determine who is right.

The Balkans appear destined for chaos. However, this also presents an opportunity for the various Asian peoples; before a new European order is established, it is their best period to pursue independence and autonomy.

After pondering for a long time, Shimamura Hayao said, "You mean, this is a good time for the East Indies to gain independence from the Netherlands? However, I'm afraid this will only increase the British's dissatisfaction with our country?"

Lin Xinyi said nonchalantly, "Why not just let American capital support the independence of the East Indies? But now is not the right time for the East Indies to become independent. Now is the right time for the various ethnic groups under French Indochina to fight for freedom. The Germans will probably want to avenge the defeat in Morocco and slap the French in the face in the East. That would surely make the Germans feel gratified."

Shimamura Hayao hesitated for a moment before saying, "The British wouldn't be able to stand French Indochina, would they? This is a protected area in Myanmar, and we have no excuse to interfere in the issue of French Indochina."

Lin Xinyi gazed at the Atlantic Ocean and replied softly, "An excuse? The French have already used that. Since the French can protect French interests in Morocco, it's not a big deal for the alliance to pay attention to human rights issues in French Indochina. As long as Germany is there, the French will have no choice but to accept our demands..."

End of this chapter

Chapter 776

When Hayashi Shin-yi returned to Tokyo, Japan was in the midst of a new economic cycle. The war boom brought about by the Russo-Japanese War lasted only about a year after the war ended. Peace eliminated the huge demand from the military during the war, thus plunging new industrial investment in the later stages of the war into difficulties.

However, the funds invested in industry and infrastructure during the war laid the foundation for Japan's full industrialization. Before the Russo-Japanese War, Japan could only guarantee key industries, namely textiles and military industry, while other industries mainly relied on imports from overseas.

The sheer scale of the war quickly exceeded the limits of Japanese demand, prompting capitalists to expand their investments in the machinery and energy industries in order to reduce manufacturing costs in their core businesses and thus gain greater profits.

Driven by market competition, major conglomerates made numerous redundant investments. This ensured that their industries were not controlled by other conglomerates, but it also led to fierce competition. When the huge market created by the war disappeared, these newly invested factories experienced overcapacity, leading to another round of bankruptcies and mergers, marking the end of the war boom.

The land reform in Chiba Prefecture and the development plan for Asian industrial cooperation promoted by the Yamamoto Cabinet were essentially aimed at expanding the domestic market and exploring overseas markets, thereby ensuring that domestic economic investment did not shrink. Before the Yamamoto Cabinet stepped down, the Japanese economy had already shifted from being primarily driven by military consumption to being primarily driven by the civilian market. This was the main reason why various parties wanted Yamamoto to step down; if he didn't, he would become the leader of Japan's economic recovery.

When Saionji came to power, it coincided with the period of economic development achieved through the hard work of the Yamamoto cabinet. Although the great flood of 1910 and the plague in the Chita region affected China's economic growth and thus dragged down the growth of Japanese trade with China, by April 1911, Japanese trade with China began to rise strongly.

The rapid increase in China's imports was partly due to the fact that in February 1911, experts from various countries announced that the plague outbreak in the Chita region had been basically contained and that continued observation was sufficient. The spread of the plague had never reached Harbin, the core economic zone of northern Manchuria, thus preserving Harbin's daily economic production. When the plague epidemic was declared over, the economic construction of northern Manchuria began a new expansion.

This economic expansion in Manchuria was not limited to northern Manchuria; a new wave of investment and construction also emerged in southern Manchuria. This was because the great flood of 1910 caused a large number of disaster victims in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, who were organized to reclaim wasteland in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia starting in 1911. In addition to the four-nation banking consortium, a large amount of American and German funds also began to flow into Manchuria.

German investment in China had already surpassed the combined total of British and French investment since 1910. By the first half of 1911, the scale of German investment in China had increased by 50% compared to the same period of the previous year, and almost all of this investment was diverted from other parts of the Americas and Asia.

This situation arose for several reasons. First, Sino-German trade had surpassed Sino-British trade. By 1910, Germany had become China's largest trading partner, accounting for about 35% of total trade, while Britain's share had fallen to 31%. In 1894, Sino-British trade accounted for about 72.8% of China's foreign trade. This prompted German capital to increase its investment in China in order to ensure that it could continue to dominate the Chinese market.

Another important factor is that the establishment of the Asian alliance has led German capital to believe that China has become a safe haven for German capital overseas. Previously, Germans believed that the United States would remain neutral in the European war, and therefore regarded the United States as a safe haven for German capital overseas. However, the expansion of American capital in South America has made German capital wary. Germans believe that the Americans seem to be intentionally excluding European capital from the Americas when the situation in Europe is tense, which means that the United States may not be safe.

The Bali incident convinced German capital that the alliance would not compromise with Britain and France, because there were major political differences between the alliance and Britain and France. Britain and France sought to maintain their colonial rule in Asia, while China and Japan clearly did not see it that way. Therefore, the two pillars of the alliance became safe havens for German overseas capital.

As a region undergoing initial industrialization, China naturally presented enormous investment opportunities, and Wuhan's maintenance of basic social order led German capital to favor shifting towards Asia rather than the United States. Similarly, some German capital with significant investments in South America turned to Japan, attempting to leverage Japan's naval power to maintain its interests there.

As a result, China, which had recovered from the floods in 1911, entered a period of rapid economic growth. The massive investment in infrastructure also benefited Japanese industry, as the new factories that had been established during the war no longer needed to stop or reduce production.

The rapid growth of foreign trade brought a large number of jobs, and Japan's economy naturally began to recover. The farmland reform in Chiba Prefecture finally began to show results. Farmers who obtained land not only solved their food problem, but also gained a lot of job opportunities due to the construction of Chiba Prefecture's industrial center. As a result, most agricultural areas near transportation routes saw an increase in income, at least 50% higher than before the farmland reform. Farmers in Chiba Prefecture suddenly felt that they could have enough to eat.

Those who were initially indifferent to farmland reform have now become staunch supporters, with some farmers even personally visiting the residence of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe in Tokyo to express their gratitude. The reputation of the Saionji Kinmochi cabinet is also steadily rising; many believe the new prime minister is a blessed man who has brought new prosperity to the Japanese economy.

However, when Lin Xinyi returned to Tokyo, he found that the army and navy seemed dissatisfied with the current national sentiment. Economic growth had led people to focus their attention on their own lives rather than on national honor. In other words, the public had lost interest in the military, and the status of soldiers in society had begun to decline.

The Democratic Party, which used to only make headlines in the media, has now increasingly become the political voice of the people. The corruption brought about by economic development has also angered lower-ranking officers and soldiers, who believe that the fiscal revenue that should have been used to increase military spending has been divided up by these corrupt officials and tycoons.

However, another major event at this time attracted the attention of the entire nation: the Emperor's health. When Emperor Meiji visited Fukuoka Prefecture to inspect a large-scale military exercise, his urine protein suddenly increased dramatically, exacerbating his pre-existing diabetes. Although the Emperor's health reportedly improved somewhat thanks to the imperial physicians, he did not reappear in public, causing widespread concern.

Although Emperor Meiji was not a true deity and could not live forever, the Meiji era is inextricably linked to present-day Japan. For the Japanese people of that era, Emperor Meiji represented an upward spirit, and they found it hard to imagine what Japan's future would be like after his death.

Amidst this widespread public anxiety, even intellectuals who had previously opposed the imperial system began praying for Emperor Meiji. Faced with this societal empathy, Hayashi Shin-yi had to admit that Emperor Meiji had indeed become a symbolic figure of Japan's enlightenment era, no longer merely an autocratic monarch.

After spending a few days at home with his wife and son, Lin Xinyi received his transfer order to serve as the First Deputy Chief of Staff of the Asian Combined Fleet Command, representing the Japanese Navy. Although the Asian Combined Fleet had a command, it did not have a commander-in-chief. The Joint Staff Council acted as the commander-in-chief. The purpose of this arrangement was that neither Germany nor Japan wanted their warships to be commanded by the other.